Example


For an example of the Regional Top-Up system in action, we will use the 2005 General Election results for the London region. There are 74 MPs in London. Under Regional Top-Up, 58 of them would be Constituency MPs and 16 would be Regional MPs.

It is worth remembering that the smaller parties will not have stood in every seat, so their total vote is less than it would have been under Regional Top-Up. RTU allows parties to appear on every ballot in a region, even if there is no local candidate, as long as the party has candidates in at least 1/3 of the seats. Hence the electorate would have a much more even choice across every region.

This is how London looked after the 2005 election:

Party Current MPs Total votes Percentage MPs under PR
Labour 44 1,135,687 38.9 29
Conservative 21 931,966 31.9 24
Lib Dem 8 638,333 21.9 17
Respect 1 40,735 1.4 1
Green 0 78,595 2.7 2
UKIP 0 42,956 1.5 1
BNP 0 19,024 0.7 0

The above table includes a column for how the number of MPs should look (roughly) under a directly proportional system. The Lib Dems are the biggest losers under the current system, while the Greens and UKIP both had enough support to justify a presence in Westminster. Labour, on the other hand, had a massively distorted number of MPs elected in comparison to its share of the vote.

Assumptions


Let’s assume that, after the number of constituencies has been reduced in London from 74 to 58, the MPs elected under FPTP are still returned in proportion to the 2005 result. That will give us 35 Labour, 16 Conservative, 6 Lib Dems and George Galloway for Respect. The remaining 16 will be Regional MPs (RMPs).

Step 1: Add up the votes for each party


We have already done this at the top of this page; the table includes the total votes across London for each of the major parties.

Step 2: Create Party Lists


If this were for real we would look at all of the candidates for each party across the London region, and list them in order of the percentage of the vote they received (grouped by party), removing those who were successfully elected. Each party should end up with a list of candidates in order of public popularity.

Step 3: Calculate the minimum percentage for an elected MP


Under a directly proportional system in London, we can calculate the percentage of the vote needed to get an MP elected: 100%/74MPs = 1.35% per MP.

The BNP, and every other party with a smaller fraction of the vote, is below the 1.35% minimum threshold for an MP in London. We can now discount all of those parties from the following calculations.

Step 4: Assign the Regional seats


We use the d’Hondt system to distribute the 16 Regional MP seats. The maths gets a little awkward to follow here, so if you aren’t interested, skip to the last couple of lines of the table below to see how the seats are distributed proportionally.

Note that we use the number of seats won under FPTP as the starting number of seats for each party. This requires an initial step to convert the total votes into the equivalent tally as if the first 58 seats had been distributed under the d’Hondt formula. For example, Labour’s 1,135,687 votes are divided by 1 + number of seats (35), giving 1,135,687/36 = 31,547.

The numbers in red indicate which party gains the seat. The number in brackets indicates the number of seats held at each stage of the calculation.

Labour (35) Conservative (16) Lib Dem (6) Respect (1) Green (0) UKIP (0)
Total Votes: 1,135,687 931,966 638,333 40,735 78,595 42,956
Initial Step: 31,547 54,822 91,190 20,368 78,595 42,956
Seat 1 31,547 54,822 79,792 (7) 20,368 78,595 42,956
Seat 2 31,547 54,822 70,926 (8) 20,368 78,595 42,956
Seat 3 31,547 54,822 70,926 20,368 39,298 (1) 42,956
Seat 4 31,547 54,822 63,833 (9) 20,368 39,298 42,956
Seat 5 31,547 54,822 58,030 (10) 20,368 39,298 42,956
Seat 6 31,547 54,822 53,194 (11) 20,368 39,298 42,956
Seat 7 31,547 51,776 (17) 53,194 20,368 39,298 42,956
Seat 8 31,547 51,776 49,103 (12) 20,368 39,298 42,956
Seat 9 31,547 49,051 (18) 49,103 20,368 39,298 42,956
Seat 10 31,547 49,051 45,595 (13) 20,368 39,298 42,956
Seat 11 31,547 46,598 (19) 45,595 20,368 39,298 42,956
Seat 12 31,547 44,379 (20) 45,595 20,368 39,298 42,956
Seat 13 31,547 44,379 42,556 (14) 20,368 39,298 42,956
Seat 14 31,547 42,362 (21) 42,556 20,368 39,298 42,956
Seat 15 31,547 42,362 42,556 20,368 39,298 21,478 (1)
Seat 16 31,547 42,362 39,896 (15) 20,368 39,298 21,478
Regional MPs: 0 5 9 0 1 1
Total MPs: 35 21 15 1 1 1

This gives us a result closer to the numbers under a direct Proportional Representation scheme. It ensures that the smaller parties have some level of representation, while maintaining a strong element of Constituency MPs elected under first-past-the-post.

  1. #1 by Robert on January 24th, 2010

    This idea is worth considering. It would achieve the advantages of PR without the alleged complexity.

  2. #2 by Scott Wright on May 10th, 2010

    So lemme see if I get this correctly. You are allocating regional seat 1 based on party FULL vote divided by seats+1. The lib-dem conversion after winning regional seat #1 therefor becomes 638,333/8 due to them now having a further seat? This seems a pretty straight forward calculation method and looks like it can produce at least a strong position for one party such as we have now. What we would then need to do is enshrine in legislation that the largest party get the PM seat rather than the current convention which is allowing a squatter in public property!!

  3. #3 by Anthony Butcher on May 10th, 2010

    Hi Scott,
    yes, that sounds correct. It just uses the d’Hondt system for allocation of the seats (same as we use for the Euro elections), except that it adjusts the numbers beforehand as if the FPTP seats had been allocated using the d’Hondt system as well.

    It’s not perfect PR, but it is one heck of a lot better than any of the other systems out there at the moment.

  4. #4 by Scott Wright on May 10th, 2010

    As somewhat of an aspiring politician myself, I like the simplicity of it from a cost paid out of public funds point of view as it seems far easier to calculate than STV which the Libs are wanting. My only dislike of the system is I’ve always felt a system where candidates are ranked in order of preference would harm Labour which can never be a bad thing.

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